府三殿宋帝王 降  
四、醫者  語云:「醫者,父母心」。其意即為,身為醫家,當視病猶親,如同父母之視子女,急切其病情,妥善醫療處方。
...
  現今社會,醫生身處上流社會,收入高、交友廣濶。不似古時,醫為九流之列,雖然,此乃時運變遷之關,但原則上,醫家治病、救苦,雖無權力,卻攸關人之生死。因而,得其優渥禮遇,相對冥罰亦重,其施行細則如下:
...
  凡醫家,一切唯利是圖,不能仔細診療病患,一件削除一祿,可以累積、累罰,及至全部削除福祿。
...
  凡有疏誤,延宕病情,致生病患者多受苦磨,二件削其一祿,可以累積、累罰。
...
  凡有醫者,不能深入病理、病症探究,妄下病論,亂投處方,一件削其一祿,三件削其一福,可以累積,或者嚴重甚深,可以削除其全部福祿。
...
  凡有醫者,以其專業研發或者將研發之藥,以迫害、殺害為目的,立即削除五福。視其遺害程度,可以全部削除福祿,更嚴重者,廣大殺害之禍事,可以奪其壽。
...

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冥府四殿文判 降三、為富不仁  富者,乃以其產業、錢財,富裕龐大,而其財產之下,足以提供許多人謀生、維持家計,進而組織建構成為一個穩定之社會族群。所以,豪富之人雖未必有權力,但其言行影響層面甚廣。因而,近代有許多大企業家,認知其企業之延續,必對社會有所回饋。易言之,存續之企業有其社會責任存在,此乃正確認知及方向。
...
  然則,絕大多數之富人,卻未必有此認知。更甚者,為富慳吝,乃至未有仁心者比比皆是。故,冥罰有此施行細則:  凡為富者,無所不用其極,壓榨其勞工者,削其祿報。一件,削一祿;積至十件,削其三福。  凡為富者,勾串權貴官府,打壓異己無辜者,削其一福;或遺害無辜甚重者,削其五福。  凡為富者,藉其錢財產業之便利而為害國家,甚至廣大民眾,可以削其全部福祿。尤烈者,可以削其祖澤,乃至其妻、其子、其女之福祿。

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府三殿宋帝王 降  
二、為官
  官者,兩張口,不平也要服。其意即乃為官者,有其權利。清廉為官,可以造福黎民百姓;若有貪瀆或者循私,其為害廣泛,受害者,雖不平也只有認命。
...
  古來,中國漢民族根深蒂固之士大夫觀念,常有「千里為官只為財」之偏差觀念。因此,歷朝歷代為官之人,大貪、小貪不計其數。而為害廣泛層面,當然以其官階大小、職司權利大小而成正比。故本章分為兩大部份。

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冥府一殿文判 降  一、握權  世人在人生過程中最容易造作惡業者,即屬手中握權柄之人。...   莫看他在世司權握柄、呼風喚雨,一旦三寸氣斷,魂歸冥府之際,難逃陰司冥律之制裁。然則絕大多數有權勢之人,其聰明才智必定超越常人,而其身處陰森冥獄之間,更是一口推翻自己在世所造惡業。但冥府「孽鏡台」卻是秋毫可鑒、無所遁藏。故寶鈔有載「孽鏡台前無好人」。本殿正是職司孽鏡台,不論善惡罪魂要定其功過,必先由孽鏡台顯像,庶幾無可推託。由此,本殿定其功過善惡,善者升天;惡者論其罪業分發各殿審判。

  但是,冥律雖嚴,罰在身後,不免令眾生有「善者未得福報,惡者未得禍報」,而心生不平。故 關皇掌玉帝之尊,令改因果為現世報,以期平息隔世果報之不平。

  本殿承命,乃以孽鏡台所記錄陽世人造作惡業,簽註罰則,立呈有司,侍機即報。因而先列出手握權柄之人,所易造惡業,罰損折耗福祿壽報之條例,以警世人。陽法評判世人犯罪,首重動機;次重損害程度;三則視其有悔改之心與否。

  冥陽同例,凡有所權柄之人,起心動念為私慾者,立即削其一福;若其行為造成損害他人,以受害者多寡,可以削其至百福;更甚者,可以折其陽壽。若犯意者,能有悔悟並進行補救,則可撤銷其耗福損祿之報。若已顯報者,可賜其一次貴人善緣之機,稍助其所損耗之福祿。但其先決條件,是其人確切誠懺,並有實質補救自己所造成之為害他人事件。

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本堂主席 關登台  聖示:今夜恭接著書玉旨,命本堂城隍五里外接駕,命本堂福神十里外接駕,其餘神人排班候駕。 欽差金闕上相孔明仙師 降詩曰:關皇律例遍三千。果業分明代代傳。   黎庶沾恩咸利樂。鸞門普化造真詮。聖示:吾今夜乃頒宣玉旨降爾道場,玉詔開宣,神人俯伏。  欽  奉

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玉律規箴 目錄 恭接著書玉旨

無極老母 降
酆都大帝 序
復聖顏子 序
觀音菩薩 序
冥府十殿轉輪王 書之前言
冥司一殿秦廣王 誌
一、握權
二、為官
三、為富不仁
四、醫者
五、不孝之人
<  
六、忘恩負義之人
<  
七、譭詆修佛修道之人
八、執行公務之人
九、有不忠於事
十、販售淫藥、毒品之人
十一、口業
十二、欺佔他人財務
十三、夫妻相處
十四、邪淫之削福祿
十五、為人師表誤人子弟
十六、酗酒橫暴
十七、殺生業之罰則
十八、奸商
十九、欺騙
二十、心胸狹隘報復之罰則
廿一、以暴力行迫害恐嚇之罰則
廿二、搶劫
廿三、強暴
廿四、殺人
廿五、暴殄天物
廿六、陷害
廿七、偷工減料
廿八、為人謀而不忠
廿九、挑撥離間
三十、居上位而不恤
卅一、偷竊
卅二、肇事逃逸
卅三、綁架勒贖
卅四、製造槍彈
卅五、製素摻葷
東嶽大帝 跋
南天主宰文衡聖王 跋
亞聖孟子 篇後語
觀音菩薩 篇後語

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透過讓新人參與粗重的周邊工作,與老鳥們一起協力執行,彼此學習與成長,正是留住優秀新人的最佳方法
在體育界,要求新進運動員反覆練習同一個動作,進行逼近體能極限的練習,藉以培育卓越的技巧與體能,是經常可見的訓練方式。
神戶大學經營學研究科教授加護野忠男接受日本《President》雜誌採訪時表示,其實在日本或歐美的傳統產業裡,也有這種類似體壇的嚴苛磨練方式,稱之為「正統的周邊參加」,也就是藉由讓新人擔任粗重、基本的庶務和勞動工作,讓他們逐漸融入群體,並習得各式技藝。
在神戶的陶瓷窯廠或麵包店裡,搬運沈重陶土或麵粉的工作,就是由新人負責;在日本石川縣的釀酒廠,新人除了要扛起挑水、清洗酒缸等粗重工作,還必須負責打掃、整理環境等雜務;而在京都,僅一年資歷的舞妓,無論是技藝與接待技巧,都會受到嚴格的要求。
或許有人覺得「把粗活都丟給菜鳥」或「給予不合理的要求」,是老鳥對新人的壓榨,但加護野認為,讓新人參與這些過程嚴格、甚至是與職務無關的活動,對於公司培訓新人來說,確有其必要性。他指出,這種以「周邊活動」為主的職場初期鍛鍊,對於增加新人的群體性有3點好處:
1.給予考驗:技術操作通常都有嚴密的規範和步驟,稍一出錯就會造成重大損失或意外。透過辛苦的勞動,可以考驗新人的忍耐力與服從性,體會到嚴格遵從規範的重要性。
2.培養人間力:通過嚴格的訓練,熟悉許多待人接物、職場倫理等細節,可讓新人迅速的進入狀況。而在經過這番苦勞之後,新人對公司的忠誠度將更為提升,因為要是隨便離職,當初的辛苦就等於是白受罪了。研究發現,在流通業中,有提供類似初期鍛鍊的公司,新人離職率較同業為低。
3.建立夥伴情誼:勞苦的工作往往是由群體完成,有了這種「一起打拚」共同體驗,會讓新人與同儕、老鳥萌生「共患難」的連帶情誼,對於往後的合作共事大有幫助。
不過,加護野也提醒,在過去人力充沛、工作較少的年代,「不合理的要求」常被認為是理所當然;但在勞動力珍貴的現代,任意地「指使」或「操」新人,很可能會造成人才流失。要進行這種「刻苦勞動式的新人訓練」,最重要的是讓老鳥帶著新人,一起協力通過考驗。
透過前輩給予新人示範、指導與必要的協助,增進雙方的技術與情誼交流,彼此教學相長,這種辛苦的「周邊活動」,才不會讓新人感受到被壓榨的感覺,心理上也較讓能夠接受。
更重要的是,新人可藉由初期辛苦的磨練,快速學習並融入團體,減少初期工作挫折,從而降低新人的離職率。(編譯 / 謝明彧;取材自《President》2008年3.31~4.13號)

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當天晚上11點,他回到公司寫e-mail給客戶,對於白天無法提供支援表達歉意,並表示第二天一早立刻處理。結果客戶怒氣沖沖地回了一封信:「This is the biggest bullshit I ever heard.」,副本並送給高層。
在台積電擔任專案經理的涂玉堂,當年還是客戶服務主任時,曾接下一個公認要求超嚴格的客戶。
在某個周日早上10點,當涂玉堂正和家人到外縣市掃墓,手機卻響了,原來是客戶有個新產品,要他安排光罩部門的同仁緊急處理。那時台積電周日還沒有常態性的支援服務,他想就算趕回新竹也沒有人處理,於是繼續自己的行程。
當天晚上11點,他回到公司寫e-mail給客戶,對於白天無法提供支援表達歉意,並表示第二天一早立刻處理。結果客戶怒氣沖沖地回了一封信:「This is the biggest bullshit I ever heard.」,副本並送給高層。
原來,速度是那家客戶的競爭策略,每天都有專人追蹤新產品進度,甚至一批貨出來,馬上由專人攜帶飛到新加坡或韓國封裝,以便比別人快一步。耽誤一天,對他們來說是個不可原諒的錯誤。

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感恩, 就是回憶過去的快樂
希望, 就是想像未來的快樂
知足, 就是抓住現在的快樂  ~

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員工會對老闆質疑:我爸都不管我,為什麼你要管?工作者可以不知輕重,但主管不行,因為主管要為組織所有的災難、意外、成功或失敗負完全責任。
我第一次到京都,是帶著辦公室的小朋友們去員工旅遊。那是連續多年辛苦經營之後,公司第一次轉虧為盈,所有的人都非常享受這一次難得的輕鬆,尤其是年輕的小女孩們更是玩瘋了。
到京都的第一天晚上,我就發覺有3個年輕的女編輯很晚了仍然沒回旅館,我無法放心,手機也撥不通,只好坐在旅館的大廳等待,一直等到凌晨1點,她們終於回來了,我忍不住說了她們兩句,沒想到最年輕的一位小女生,竟然回我一句話:連我爸爸都沒這樣管我,何先生你為什麼要管這麼多?
我一時心急,說不出話來,目送著她們回房,但心中仍然盤旋著我為什麼要管她們的問題?
其實我很快就得到答案了:如果她是我女兒,我也可以選擇不管(如果我年輕,我還有機會再生一個女兒),若我女兒出了什麼事,不會有人來找我算帳,我可以為她所有的事負完全責任。問題是,她不是我女兒,我無法為她所有的事負責任,我要替他父親負責任。
如果在她和我一起去員工旅遊的期間出了什麼事,他父親不會放過我,我也負不起她有任何差池的責任,因此我才要管她,希望能防患未然!管她才是負責任,如果我放任不管,那就是不負責任。
事後我找了機會向所有的員工表達我的立場,在辦公室中,所有的父母親把他們的子女交到我手中,跟我一起工作,我要為他們的一切負責任,尤其是出國期間,安全是最基本的,請所有的同事,要諒解我的多事。
受人之託,忠人之事」,這是做人最基本的道理。老闆、主管都是紅塵俗世中的修行者,他們設置了一個場域,吸引了一群人在一起工作,而老闆、主管就承擔了渡化員工的責任,而這樣的責任,會用各種型式存在,從有形到無形,從極大到極小,從日常瑣事到生涯規畫。
給一份工作、發一份薪水,是最基本的責任;教導、學習、規過勸善,是長期改變員工的責任;創造好的環境,給予優厚的福利,是英明老闆超額付出的責任。只不過這些責任,被簡化為利益交換關係,工作者提供時間、勞力、能力,而公司、老闆付出金錢,彼此銀貨兩訖,互不相關。
為什麼員工會質疑:連我爸爸都不管我,為什麼公司要管、老闆要管、主管要管?原因就在於所有人都不成熟、都不專業、都任性,用自己隨性的想法恣意所為。
工作者可以年輕、可以不知輕重。但主管不行、老闆不行,因為你要對工作者的無知負責任,你要為組織的成敗負責任、你要為所有的災難、意外負責任,不管這個災難,是誰造成的,公司、老闆都脫不了關係。不論你當上主管、當上老闆的原因是什麼,你都只能千斤重擔一肩挑
何飛鵬
城邦出版集團副董事長、商周出版發行人。曾任《卓越》雜誌、《保險行銷》雜誌總編輯,曾被金石堂書店選為1997年出版風雲人物。何飛鵬部落格:http://blog.pixnet.net/feipengho

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Below famous article is a Landmark speech by Barack Obama on Race in America. It teared me and really unforgettable, so I posted it on my Blog. Hopping everyone who read my Blog could enjoy in this speech as well as I did.-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
"A More Perfect
Union
..."
"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union..."
Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and with these simple words, launched
Americas improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars and statesmen and patriots who had traveled across the ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally mad real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia
convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.
The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of Slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.
Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at its very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.
And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the
United States
. What would be needed were.  Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part -- through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk -- to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.
This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this presidential campaign -- to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous
America
. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history, because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together, unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren.
This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own story.
I am the son of a black man from
Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth
while he was overseas.
I've gone to some of the best schools in
America
and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slave--owners--an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as i live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.
It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional of candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts--that out of many, we are truly one.
In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's great religions demand -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.
Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.

For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle, as we did in the O.J. trial (
辛普森殺妻審判); or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina (卡崔娜颶風); or as fodder for the nightly news.
We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.
But If we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.
That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of
America
are not "those kids," they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.
This time, we want to talk about how the lines in the emergency room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in
Washington
, but who can take them on if we do it together.
This time, we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more that a profit.
This time, we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged. And we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.
I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation -- the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.
There's one story in particular that I'd like to leave you with today -- a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.
There is a young, 23-year-old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in
Florence, South Carolina
. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.
And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something.
She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat. That's the mind of a nine year old.
She did this for a year until her mom got better, and Ashley told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.
Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.
Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he doesn't bring up a specific issue. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashely."
"I'm here because of Ashely." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.
But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the 221 years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia (費城), that is where the perfection begins.
------------------to be continued.

 


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美國總統雷根(Ronald Reagan)最令人印象深刻的一項特質,就是他可以讓任何人都覺得自己是他最好的朋友,就連未曾謀面過的人也是一樣。最重要的是,他能夠和身邊的人建立緊密的連結,真誠地關心團隊裡的每個人。
如果你是領導者,你和團隊成員的連結能力,也是你成功的關鍵所在。以下就是5項穩固人際關係的方法:
1.尊重對方
人際關係的源頭始於尊重,你必須打從心底看重他人、尊敬他人。在人們還沒做出任何值得你尊重的事情之前,你就應該主動地展現對他們的尊重。

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